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Ethiopia political crisis | The Mesob Journal • Mesob Journal
The EU has added €18 million in aid for Ethiopia, bringing 2026 support to €61 million as fighting and drone strikes intensify across Tigray and Amhara.
The African Union’s own UNGA81 readouts left Ethiopia out. A jointly agreed communiqué from the same diplomatic round shows that Ethiopia and the Pretoria Agreement were explicitly discussed. The discrepancy deserves an explanation.
At the 81st UN General Assembly, President Taye Atske Selassie blamed “reckless external actors” for instability in the Horn — two days after seven Ethiopian armed groups formed an alliance against Abiy Ahmed's government. The record at home, the dispute with Eritrea and questions over Sudan tell a more complicated story.
The African Union and the United States issued urgent statements after Tigrayan forces took the airports in Mekelle, Axum and Shire and seven Ethiopian opposition groups began coordinating against Abiy Ahmed's government.
Tigrayan forces have taken control of Mekelle's Alula Aba Nega airport three days after the TPLF joined seven other Ethiopian opposition movements in an alliance aiming to remove Abiy Ahmed's government.
The African Union and United Nations met in New York on September 21 to discuss preventive diplomacy across Africa, but Ethiopia was absent from the published list of crises even as a seven-group armed alliance moved to remove Abiy Ahmed's government.
Seven Ethiopian political and armed opposition organizations, among them Fano, the Oromo Liberation Army, the TPLF and the ONLF, have announced the Ethiopian Popular Forces Alliance for Survival, pledging to remove the Prosperity Party government and install an inclusive transitional administration under a Transitional Charter.
The dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Nile has evolved from a disagreement over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam into a broader geopolitical confrontation over water security, national sovereignty and regional power.
Ethiopia’s state-media system spent the year manufacturing maritime entitlement and the summer manufacturing an Eritrean enemy. ENA supplied the narrative; Fana drove it into circulation.
From the language of “return” to insinuations about Barentu, Ethiopia's ruling party is recasting territorial revisionism as reluctant self-defence. On 11 August, Fana Media Corporation asked whether Ethiopia's return to its “historic Red Sea coastline” was imminent. The most r
Is Oromummaa shifting from cultural identity toward a framework of political dominance? David Yeh examines Oromo political influence, Finfinnee, historical narratives, Abiy Ahmed’s Medemer, and the risks of replacing one ethnic hegemony with another.
